Reincarnated as Nikolai II

It started with Russian Imperial Army Chief of Staff Aleksey Kuropatkin.

[Chief of Staff Aleksey Kuropatkin, sudden voluntary resignation.]

Next was Kuropatkin’s old friend and classmate, Viktor Sakharov, who served as the 10th and 12th Minister of War.

[Prime Minister Kokovtsov, orders War Minister replacement respecting parliament’s opinion.]

Similarly, Alexander Rediger, who became central to the Kuropatkin faction while serving as vice-minister during Kuropatkin’s War Minister period and held a pro-French stance as Military Council Chairman, was suddenly driven out.

While pro-British might still be an awkward, tiny or practically non-existent stance in Russia, pro-French was different.

Since the great Prime Minister Sergei Witte, France had been an ally with tradition and trust.

Who paid for that Trans-Siberian Railway?

Who helped expand into Manchuria in the 90s and bought Russo-Japanese War bonds?

Which country fills Russia’s lacking naval power through the 1912 Russo-French Naval Agreement?

France.

That republic contributed to the Russian Empire’s rise, and endless mutual cooperation piled up to become a reliable alliance.

How thick must mutual trust have been for both countries’ staff to partially disclose and consult on anti-German plans and military situations after 1910?

So Russia couldn’t abandon France.

Yes, absolutely!

That’s absolutely impossible.

Surely... that’s right.

It should be...

"The Kuropatkin faction seems to have flown away. No, at least those sitting in key positions seem to have been replaced."

"If they cleared out the Chief of Staff and his line during wartime..."

"Prime Minister, or Tsar."

Was it simply that General Kuropatkin was driven out by internal political machinations because the devastating casualties from autumn through the harsh winter had become politically untenable, or did Tsar Nicholas II and Prime Minister Vladimir Kokovtsov truly draw their swords and actively move against him? The truth remains shrouded in the complex web of Russian imperial politics.

However, while others might waver in their interpretation of these events, no British politician worth their salt could possibly believe that Chief of Staff Alexei Kuropatkin was merely pushed out of politics by ordinary means. The implications ran far deeper.

Who was Kuropatkin truly? He stood as the army’s de facto prime minister, a figure who rivaled even the powerful Sergei Witte in commanding the Tsar’s trust and confidence. He was, without question, the Russian Imperial Army’s preeminent leader, its indisputable number one.

Above all, those who had the privilege of meeting him even once - distinguished figures like Field Marshal Lord Kitchener - unanimously came to the same striking conclusion:

He was, in essence, a parliament member who simply happened to wear a military uniform, as comfortable in the halls of power as he was on the battlefield. His military bearing masked a shrewd political operator.

"Perhaps... a purge? The Bloody Tsar might be checking Kuropatkin who achieved merit?"

"It might have been fortunate if that were the case. But in your view Prime Minister, does that Tsar seem so incomplete as to need purges to protect power?"

"That’s not it."

First, it’s not a purge. The current Tsar’s power isn’t something that can be challenged just because someone became a national hero winning a few battles.

Instead, Kitchener offered a different interpretation.

"1914. Brusilov occupied Polish territory without much damage. Then Constantinople was also easily obtained."

"Well that was early in the war and the Ottoman Empire was particularly vulnerable, so naturally."

"Don’t you know how many troops we lost then? Brusilov is truly a great commander."

Kitchener cut off Prime Minister Asquith as he started speaking like typical British people saying ’Russia eating Constantinople was all thanks to Britain!’

"In contrast, looking at Roman and Ivanov’s battles shows great contrast with General Brusilov. Enormous sacrifices accompanied and Russia suffered unprecedented casualties."

"But they wouldn’t be replaced just for taking casualties. Militarily they fought well enough and gained popular support."

"Instead, Chief of Staff Kuropatkin who handled troop supply in Warsaw was replaced."

Officially, their simultaneous departure was attributed to health concerns requiring immediate resignation, but no one in diplomatic or military circles was naive enough to accept such a transparent excuse. The timing and circumstances were far too suspicious to be coincidental.

Unless the Chief of Staff, Military Council Chairman, and War Minister had all tragically succumbed to some shared bout of severe food poisoning during a collective meal - an absurd proposition given their separate daily routines and security protocols - there was simply no logical explanation for all three powerful figures to be forced out of their positions simultaneously.

Especially, even the Tsar and Prime Minister wouldn’t be foolish enough not to know removing Roman and Ivanov commanding the front lines would be stupid.

Kuropatkin, with his extensive military background and political connections, likely either stepped in as their emergency replacement or, more probably, submitted his own resignation while shouldering the entire responsibility for recent military setbacks - a common practice in protecting higher authorities from direct scrutiny.

To the astute British Secretary of State for War, Lord Kitchener, this sudden reshuffling of high-ranking positions in the rear echelons clearly signaled impending major changes in Russia’s strategic approach to the ongoing conflict. The pattern was familiar to anyone versed in military politics.

However, there was one notable figure who arrived at a markedly different interpretation from Kitchener’s assessment, seeing these personnel changes through an entirely different strategic lens:

"They got their money, their belly’s full, they did enough work. They’ve gotten lazy like workers who got advance pay before striking."

"..."

It was Winston Churchill, still maintaining his Naval Minister position even after the Gallipoli campaign.

During the Battle of Gallipoli, Churchill faced crisis of replacement for making crude war plans as casualties mounted, but somehow managed to keep his position thanks to Brusilov’s army occupying Constantinople.

To Churchill who personally experienced such Russia:

’What, breaking alliance? Peace negotiations? Don’t make me laugh. Your mouth must taste bitter getting a little taste of what we British felt at Gallipoli!’

Russia just got lazy. While blaming allies.