Reincarnated as Nikolai II

The current Tsar was quite different from his father.

Development. Only development.

Looking back at his reign, Nicholas II was someone who moved like a factory machine for the empire’s development.

He joins hands even with Britain, their mortal enemy.

He reconciles even with Japan, whom they fought to death.

Yet he doesn’t hesitate to issue bold mobilization orders when needed.

’In some ways, he’s similar to me.’

An emperor who adopts pure pragmatism without being bound by surrounding relationships - a ruler who sees the world through a lens of pure utility and strategic advantage, unencumbered by the traditional webs of loyalty, family ties, or historical alliances that typically constrain those in power. This sovereign views every decision, every relationship, and every policy solely through the cold calculus of what will advance their goals most effectively.

Such an emperor has been making contact recently through both official and unofficial channels, weaving a complex network of diplomatic outreach. Their emissaries appear in grand courts bearing formal declarations and proposals, while their agents move quietly through shadow channels, engaging in whispered conversations in private gardens and sending coded messages through seemingly innocent merchants. This dual approach - operating simultaneously in the light and in the shadows - speaks to their purely pragmatic worldview: they will use whatever methods prove most effective, unconcerned with the traditional protocols that usually govern imperial communication.

Rejection can only go so far, and Romania is also part of this Black Sea economic sphere (Ottoman Empire, Romania, Bulgaria, Russia, Greece).

It wasn’t easy to keep refusing the earnest requests of the powerful Tsar.

"Russia has sent another official visit request..."

"Tell them I’m unwell and must decline."

It’s not about meeting some mere diplomatic ambassador. That Tsar is plotting something, asking a king to visit St. Petersburg. And that’s the king of a country they once ruled, no less.

"...Is it simply distinguishing friend from foe, or is there another ulterior motive?"

Even that Tsar must know well there’s nothing good about provoking me now that German-Russian relations have broken down.

From the mid-19th century until today, Romanian-Russian relations were limited to cooperation against the Ottoman Empire, nothing more, nothing less.

Carol I didn’t want to break this structure at all, but it seems that Tsar wants change.

"If His Majesty the King wants a direct visit, he surely wants a secret meeting."

"I suppose so. Those royals always trust only their bloodlines."

"What will you do?"

"...Is Victor in the army now?"

"Prince Victor is currently serving as a corps commander."

"We should at least make a gesture for the Great Empire’s Tsar’s request. I’ll send the prince."

Carol I had no intention of cooperating with whatever proposal the Tsar might make anyway.

==

While Witte could wield all sorts of authority under the name of "Tsar’s orders," Kokovtsov, who inherited that position, did not.

He even went so far as to be the first to include some Duma deputies in the cabinet.

This was quite different from Witte, who had been extremely wary of combining the administrative cabinet with the legislative Duma.

This was Kokovtsov’s choice based on purely political calculations.

’If war truly breaks out during my term, the Duma must also share in the war’s aftermath.’

If the cabinet alone fought and won the war, they could monopolize the military achievements, but the Duma would become more alienated. Naturally, they would become hostile in proportion to their alienation.

Conversely, if the war’s damage grew severe, the Duma would attack the cabinet by seizing upon this.

Not all parties would do so, but mothers who lost sons, heads of households dragged away from farming, workers suffering from excessive wartime labor - the Duma had abundant elements to incite the empire’s people.

So, they would join forces from the start.

This was truly Kokovtsov’s best political risk management.

While former Prime Minister Sergei Witte had entered an untouchable realm politically with the trust of two Tsars, Kokovtsov himself was different.

He was literally a prime minister appointed out of necessity.

He could never become Witte. No, no one could ever become Witte from now on.

Former Prime Minister Witte was, after all, a key figure who carried out the trinity of reform, purge, and war together with the Tsar.

The next way Kokovtsov differed from his predecessor was in military matters.

While Prime Minister Witte emphasized balance, being suspicious even of the Tsar despite being trusted, Kokovtsov thought differently.

He needed to become friendly with the military.

No, going further, he needed to become one with the military.

To prepare for war and enhance execution capabilities, Kokovtsov was prepared to include even ignorant soldiers in the cabinet if necessary.

He also didn’t make the foolish thought of - ’A prime minister friendly with the military while the Tsar is watching with both eyes open?’

While Witte would have foamed at the mouth shouting ’Absolute separation of military and politics!’ and insisted on mutual non-interference, Kokovtsov wasn’t bound by such frameworks.

The military needs additional budget?

"General Kuropatkin, I’ll move with the Conservative Party. Just accept my gratitude."

"...If the Prime Minister moves for us, it would be much easier, so I’m just grateful."

He handles it right away.

Need law changes?

Continue your adventure with empire

"Well, tell me. Do you need the Tsar’s decree, or do you need to propose legislation to the Duma?"

"Changing military law would take a lot of time. If possible, we’d like it handled quickly."

"A decree then. I’ll submit it right away."

He changes it by drawing on even the Tsar’s power.

He does his utmost in establishing ’plans assuming a great war’ from all directions.

This was like thickly coating pottery with glaze and preparing epoxy even before it breaks, but Kokovtsov’s movements showed no signs of stopping.

He is not Witte.

He knows. He knows better than anyone.

However, he doesn’t think there’s absolutely no opportunity.

’Wartime Prime Minister.’

Preparing for war.

Leading it to victory.

If he handles everything perfectly until the post-war period.

He might become not just Witte, but even more.

Though he still didn’t know what form that war would take or what results it would bring, Kokovtsov couldn’t stop.

If he was just going to fill Witte’s empty seat, he wouldn’t have taken the prime minister position in the first place.

Kokovtsov still couldn’t be satisfied.